This category describes social struggles of previous ascription by social kind, and redefinition on new terms.
This interview explores Bhatt’s journey from a poverty-stricken childhood to his leadership in the Chipko Movement
Chandi Prasad Bhatt was a leader of the Chipko Movement, where people in Uttarakhand hugged trees to stop them from being cut down. He believed in nonviolence and worked with local villagers, especially women, to protect forests. His goal was to save the environment and help people live better lives by taking care of nature.
This interview with Vimla Bahuguna touches on the Chipko Movement in India and how ecofeminism came to be today
Here’s a very short description of the Chipko Movement, based on the Article-14 piece:
The Chipko Movement, started in 1973 in India’s Uttarakhand region, was a nonviolent environmental movement where villagers and women hugged trees to stop deforestation. Led by Sunderlal and Vimla Bahuguna, it grew into a symbol of grassroots resistance against ecological destruction and emphasized the idea that protecting forests is essential for sustainable living.
This is the sixth edition of the newsletter written by a compilation of individual authors and published by the National Students for Justice in Palestine. The authors analyze the historical context of the movement, discuss internal challenges like unifying various factions, and examine the broader global forces at play, including US imperialism and the capitalist system. Several pieces explore how different fields, such as medicine, and various locations, like Oklahoma, connect to and are impacted by this struggle. Furthermore, the texts advocate for continued resistance, emphasizing strategies like grassroots organizing, confronting corporate complicity in the oppression of Palestinians, and fostering solidarity across different communities and movements to achieve lasting liberation.
This document, “DEFENDING THE CAMP,” published by CrimethInc., is a report from participants in the Gaza solidarity encampment at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. It recounts the initial days of the protest, detailing the students’ efforts to establish and maintain their encampment in the face of police intervention and university opposition.
This document is a manifesto from the Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD), outlining its opposition to the tactics of the Third International and the Unified Communist Party of Germany (VKPD). They argue that Western Europe’s distinct economic and class conditions necessitate a different revolutionary path focused on independent proletarian action, the abolition of parliamentarism, and the destruction of traditional trade unions. The KAPD emphasizes the need for tactics that liberate the spirit of the proletariat and establish parties composed solely of committed communists.
This is a proclamation by Ned Lud, the legendary leader of the Luddites—an early 19th-century movement of English textile workers who protested against the introduction of mechanized looms and knitting frames, fearing these innovations would threaten their livelihoods. The Luddites engaged in direct actions such as destroying machinery and factories, as well as organizing riots and letter-writing campaigns. In this proclamation, Lud issues a death threat to anyone who informs the authorities about the ‘frame-breaking’ activities carried out by the Luddites, who were fighting against the rise of labor-saving technologies.
Students demand the US Government end the systemic oppression of political dissidents and release all political prisoners, stop the escalation, end the war in Vietnam, and withdraw forces from Southeast Asia.
On September 7, 1968, a coalition of women’s liberation groups planned various demonstrations against the annual Miss America Pageant in Atlantic City. These demonstrations aimed to challenge the pageant’s objectification of women through beauty standards, its historical exclusion of women of color, and its role as a symbol of militarism and consumerism. Some direct actions discussed in the source included picket lines, guerrilla theater, and a symbolic “Freedom Trash Can” to discard items representing restrictive feminine ideals, culminating in a boycott of pageant-related products and a rally. The source also contains a ten-point protest statement, outlining the group’s grievances against the Miss America pageant and its effects.
On October 24, 1975, ignited by the activism of the Red Stockings radical women’s group, 90% of Iceland’s women went on strike to protest the exploitation of women’s unpaid labor at home and their underpaid, undervalued labor outside the home. The Committee for Women’s Day Off was founded in June 1975 to organize this action. This flyer, issued by the Executive Committee for Women’s Day Off, includes a call to action and outlines the reasons why the strike was essential.
This is the fifth edition of the newsletter written by a compilation of individual authors and published by the National Students for Justice in Palestine. The edition offers perspectives and reflections on the tactics and lessons learned from both historical and contemporary struggles against oppression and imperialism. It draws parallels between past movements, such as the Black Panther Party and Students for a Democratic Society, and current activism, including that of the Students for Justice in Palestine organization. The texts also critique the role of universities in perpetuating existing power structures, particularly through their focus on STEM fields and financial interests. Ultimately, the authors call for continued solidarity and resistance against injustice, stressing the importance of learning from past struggles to chart a path toward liberation.
This is the fourth edition of the newsletter written by a compilation of individual authors and published by the National Students for Justice in Palestine. The edition features a range of articles documenting student activism across several universities, including Columbia, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Waterloo, Birzeit University, the American University of Beirut, and the University of Texas at Dallas. These articles explore student strategies, challenges with university administrations, and their connections to the military-industrial complex. The publication emphasizes the reclamation of political space and the forging of decolonized solidarity in a unified struggle against oppression.
The Guerrilla Girls are an anonymous group of feminist artists and activists who formed in 1985 to combat sexism and racism within the art world. This source is an interview with the Guerrilla Girls, taken from their 1995 book, Confessions of the Guerrilla Girls. In the interview, the group discusses their origins, tactics, impact, view on the art world, and future plans.
The Guerrilla Girls are an anonymous collective of feminist artists who combat sexism and racism within the art world. Founded in 1985, the group uses culture-jamming tactics and mass media to expose discrimination. This document is an interview with Frida Khalo, a founding member of the Guerrilla Girls collective. Khalo describes the various ways in which the Guerrilla Girls engage in resistance through creative activism, using provocative art and statistics to challenge discrimination and corruption in the art world.
This document, written in 1930 by L’Ouvrier Communiste, a French political publication linked to the communist movement of the early 20th century, examines the relationship between violence and the development of class consciousness within the proletariat. It posits that class consciousness arises from the lived experiences of struggle and confrontation with capitalist forces. It asserts that violence is a necessary element for the proletariat to overcome hesitations, advance to a higher level of consciousness, foster class unity, and challenge the bourgeoisie.
This flyer is a political statement aimed at generating support for Puerto Rican independence and the release of imprisoned activists. The poster seeks to rally communities, specifically those in New York and Chicago, to demonstrate against the incarceration of three independence leaders. Through this document, the San Patricio Corps Solidarity Organization calls on White people to participate alongside the independence movement to help defeat US imperialism and win a society free of oppression. Visual elements include an image of a hand holding a gun, draped in a Puerto Rican flag, alongside an obscured picture of the prison.
This is a transcript of a speech by Guillermo Suarez, a member of the Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional, a national Puerto Rican and Chicano/Mexicano organization. In his 1981 address, Suarez highlighted the need to resist white supremacy and U.S. imperialism, particularly in the occupied territories of the Southwestern United States. Direct actions and resistance mentioned include armed struggle and challenging the Klan, drawing inspiration from the Puerto Rican independence movement and historical figures who fought against oppression. The call to action emphasizes supporting prisoners of war, refusing to accept the status quo, advocating for the socialist reunification of Mexico, and for white North Americans to stand against white supremacy and acknowledge the right of colonized people to fight for their liberation.
The Weather Underground group discusses the bombing at Harvard’s Center for International Affairs in October 1970 in this communique
The Weather Underground strongly opposed the Vietnam War, seeing it as a form of U.S. imperialism. They believed that traditional protests, like marches and sit-ins, weren’t enough to stop the war, so they turned to more extreme measures. Instead of just speaking out, they took direct action, attacking institutions they felt were fueling the war, such as Harvard’s Center for International Affairs. They also supported Vietnam and saw their fight as part of a bigger movement against oppression worldwide. Rejecting nonviolence, they encouraged sabotage and attacks on government buildings to disrupt the war effort. Their approach marked a shift from peaceful demonstrations to active resistance, believing that real change required revolution within the U.S. itself.
This document is a call to action, urging women to join a movement led by Bread and Roses, a socialist women’s liberation group, on International Women’s Day in Boston, Massachusetts. The flyer presents a declaration of women’s independence, advocating for self-determination in key areas such as the economy, family, bodily autonomy, and education, while demanding equal rights and an end to various forms of discrimination and oppression. It also outlines a list of demands, including access to free medical care, like abortion and birth control, economic equality, the elimination of degrading portrayals of women in schools and media, and the establishment of free, community-controlled childcare centers.
Founded in 1974 in Dallas, Texas, Women Armed for Self-Protection (W.A.S.P.) was created in response to the increasing incidents of rape and the societal attitudes that enabled such violence. In their 1974 manifesto, the organization voiced strong condemnation of the legal system, cultural norms, and the tendency to blame victims, which allowed the crime of rape to perpetuate and remain under-prosecuted. W.A.S.P. advocated for women to incorporate self-defense into their lifestyles and supported those who took aggressive retaliation actions against rapists. To achieve this, the organization aimed to train women in weaponry and promote the sharing of self-defense knowledge and experiences.
This 1990 performance piece, “herstory,” amplifies the voices of diverse women confronting oppression while celebrating resistance. Personal anecdotes are intertwined with political demands, highlighting the interconnectedness of individual experiences and larger social justice movements. The piece explores various forms of direct action, from smashing scales to challenge patriarchal beauty standards, to organizing against unjust working conditions. It also touches on defending abortion clinics, marching for women’s rights, and advocating for the dismantling of the U.S. military.
“Dozens of women who stumbled by the rally lined up to take a turn with the sledge hammer to obliterate this hated symbol of women’s oppression and smash the scales!”
This 1989 interview from Gay Community News features political activists Linda Evans, Laura Whitehorn, and Susan Rosenberg, who were imprisoned for aiding and abetting the bombing of military and government facilities. In the interview, they share their experiences as activists, their lesbian identities, and their time in prison. They advocate for various direct actions, including demonstrations, militant AIDS activism, and collective resistance to injustices they viewed as immoral and illegal, such as racism.
“One of my favorite slogans is “Build to Win,” which is a slogan from the Black Liberation Army. They have always had a perspective that really is about victory. It’s really important that the gay liberation movement has taken that on in such a serious way – that winning is what we really want to do, not just make a protest or make reforms.”
“Resistance is not a crime.”
This document is a powerful declaration addressing the numerous injustices and hardships faced by women. It condemns gender-based violence, racial discrimination, and the absence of sufficient support systems. The statement critiques government policies and societal views on reproductive rights, healthcare, education, and the treatment of marginalized communities. It also emphasizes the struggles women face in asserting their sexuality and advocating for their freedom. At its core, the document expresses dissatisfaction and a call for continued action.
On International Women’s Day, between 150 and 200 women occupied the exterior of the Presidio Army Base in San Francisco. The event, coordinated by Women Against Imperialism, sought to criticize U.S. militarism and imperialism. The demonstrators marked buildings with blood, removed the American flag, and displayed signs and puppets to express their opposition to the base’s involvement in colonization, war, and oppression. They showed support for global women’s movements and called for an end to U.S. intervention in Central America, as well as violence against women.
This reference aid about the Red Army Faction discusses the leftist extremist group as an ongoing threat during the Vietnam War.
During the Vietnam War, the Red Army Faction formed in West Germany as part of the radical student movement. The group opposed American involvement in Vietnam and saw the U.S. and NATO as imperialist forces controlling West Germany. They were inspired by Vietnam guerrilla tactics so the RAF believed in using violence to fight capitalism and Western influence. They carried out attacks on U.S. military bases in West Germany and built connections with Palestinian militant groups and East German intelligence. The war strengthened their belief that armed struggle was necessary to overthrow oppressive governments.
“The only thing that counts is the struggle—now, today, tomorrow… to lose again, to fight once more and on and on until final victory—that is the logic of the people.”
This statement by Judy Clark, a member of the Weather Underground and May 19th Communist Organization, celebrates International Women’s Day and advocates for direct action against U.S.-led imperialism. She rejects reformism and calls for active resistance to the U.S. war machine, stressing solidarity with Third World liberation movements and political prisoners. Clark emphasizes revolutionary boldness, proletarian internationalism, and support for national liberation struggles, highlighting the historical significance of women’s revolutionary actions.
“For these movements to become a significant force, people must move from merely protesting specific government policies or responding to each imperialist escalation to actively resisting and combatting the US war machine.”
“WOMEN-CONFRONT THE U.S. WAR MACHINE!”
The Women’s Committee Against Genocide is an anti-imperialist group dedicated to advancing women’s liberation by opposing US-led imperialism and supporting the struggles of oppressed women worldwide. This 1981 draft by the committee highlights imperialism as a system that exploits Third World nations as well as stresses the significance of Third World women’s efforts toward national liberation. The committee calls for the fight against white and male supremacy as essential parts of the broader anti-imperialist movement, arguing that these forms of oppression are tools used by imperialism to subjugate women. Additionally, through their manifesto, they advocate for aligning with the leadership of national liberation movements, promoting lesbian liberation, combating sterilization abuse, and engaging in other direct actions.
This document, authored by Celia Sojourn, a member of the Weather Underground—a radical Marxist militant group active in the United States from 1969 to 1977—argues that the “women’s question” is inherently tied to class struggle. Sojourn emphasizes that women’s oppression cannot be understood in isolation, as it is deeply intertwined with their social class and economic status, and must be addressed as part of a broader fight against class inequality. Her argument underscores the intersectionality of oppression, where gender, race, and class intersect to create distinct experiences of inequality. Sojourn asserts that true liberation for women can only be achieved through a revolution that dismantles class society and establishes socialism. She advocates for the creation of class-conscious women’s organizations, the education of women to understand who their “real enemies” are, and calls for militant action to bring about the societal transformation she envisions.
This 1972 pamphlet, written by Selma James—an American writer, feminist, and social activist who co-founded the International Wages for Housework Campaign—critiques the shortcomings of traditional left-wing and trade union approaches to women’s liberation. The campaign, a grassroots network of women, advocated for the recognition and compensation of caregiving work, both inside and outside the home. James argues that unions have historically overlooked the specific types of exploitation women face, such as unequal wages and the undervaluation of housework. She calls for a women’s movement that operates independently of unions and existing political systems, advocating for demands like shorter work hours, guaranteed income, bodily autonomy, and equal pay. The pamphlet highlights the importance of women organizing on their own terms to challenge capitalist exploitation and create a revolutionary movement based on their unique experiences and analysis, rather than relying on traditional structures.
“It will take some time, but then Rome wasn’t destroyed in a day.”
This is a launching statement of the ‘Solidarity Committee with Mahalla Workers,’ formed on September 25, 2007, to express their support for the workers’ strike at the Mahalla Spinning and Weaving Company in Egypt. The strike, which began in 2006 in Mahalla al-Kubra, was part of a broader movement driven by textile workers fighting for better wages and improved working conditions. This labor struggle persisted through the 2011 Egyptian revolution. In the statement, the committee criticizes both the company’s management and the Egyptian government for their efforts to suppress the workers’ demands for dignity, fair wages, and basic labor rights. The committee calls for a variety of actions in support of the workers, such as organizing sit-ins, issuing solidarity statements, and continuing the strike in defiance of the regime’s intimidation and repression.
This document is a May 1986 newsletter published by the New Movement in Solidarity with Puerto Rican Independence and Socialism, focusing on Puerto Rico’s ongoing fight for independence from the United States. It highlights various direct actions, including protests against the construction of a Voice of America radio station on Puerto Rican land and demonstrations aimed at shutting down two federal maximum security prisons. The newsletter also draws comparisons between the US military presence in Puerto Rico and the Philippines, pointing out the harmful impacts of US colonialism and military intervention in both countries. Additionally, it features an interview with Jorge Farinacci, a key leader in the movement, who shares insights into the political landscape in Puerto Rico and Puerto Rican Independence 16’s legal defense efforts.
This pamphlet critiques the modern university system, claiming that it has become a tool of capitalism designed to produce obedient workers rather than encourage independent thought or true education. The authors reject gradual reforms and instead advocate for direct action and rebellion to dismantle the capitalist structure and build a liberated society. They draw inspiration from historical student protests in France and Greece, stressing the necessity of unity between students and workers to achieve their goals. Ultimately, the pamphlet calls for a complete societal overhaul, moving beyond the confines of capitalism.
“We must begin by preventing the university from functioning. We must interrupt the normal flow of bodies and things and bring work and class to a halt. We will blockade, occupy, and take what’s ours.”
“We’ll see you at the barricades.”
This pamphlet, first released by the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in 1968 and revised in 2022, promotes direct action as a powerful tool for workers to secure better conditions at work. It outlines a range of tactics, from slowdowns and work-to-rule strategies to more assertive actions like “marches on the boss” and organizing sick-outs. Emphasizing the critical role of solidarity among workers, the pamphlet includes historical examples of direct action campaigns that have achieved success.
This document is an excerpt from a worker’s guide that promotes direct action against employers. It critiques traditional resistance methods like strikes as ineffective, instead advocating for alternative tactics such as slowdowns, delivering excellent service to disrupt profits, adhering strictly to the rules, and fostering solidarity to compel employers to meet workers’ demands. The author (unknown) offers examples from various industries and historical periods to demonstrate how these methods can be effective, while also emphasizing the potential illegality of many of these actions.
The Bolivian Water Wars were a series of protests and civil unrest against the privatization of water and rising water rates in the city of Cochabamba, primarily in 2000. This interview was conducted in 2011 with Oscar Olivera, a trade unionist and prominent leader of the famous Water Wars.
Radical Women, founded in 1967 in Seattle, Washington, is a revolutionary faction within the women’s movement and a prominent feminist voice on the Left. The organization fights against racism, sexism, homophobia, anti-trans discrimination, and labor exploitation, while advocating for multi-issue organizing that prioritizes the needs of the most marginalized communities. The 1975 Radical Women Manifesto: Theory, Program, & Structure critiques the capitalist system’s oppression of women, arguing that sexism stems from economic inequalities and the patriarchal family structure. It calls for a socialist revolution to achieve women’s liberation, while outlining the group’s political platform, principles, and organizational structure.
During the Vietnam War, Bucknell University began protesting against military recruitment, especially about the U.S. Marines and Navy, during the Vietnam War
In the 1970s, Bucknell University had protests against military recruiters, especially the Marines and Navy, coming to campus. Students, faculty, and staff did not like it because they saw it as supporting the Vietnam War and the draft which was extremely unpopular during the time. These protests were part of the bigger anti-war movement, where students started questioning the military’s place on campus and in society. The demonstrations at Bucknell were part of a larger shift in the U.S. where people began challenging the military’s influence on education.
Bucknell University declared a moratorium on classes where students and faculty joined together to defy the war going on in Vietnam
This particular moratorium on classes was a response to the events that happened at Kent State University on May 4, 1970, where the Ohio National Guard opened fire on unarmed student protesters killing four students and injuring nine others. This event sparked an increase in protests around the nation on college campuses. In response to these protests, Bucknell’s administration decided to suspend classes to allow students and faculty the time to discuss the protests related to the war and the political climate of the time.
Students join protesters in New York to show off their right to have freedom of speech by defying the Vietnam draft with the burning of draft cards
“One hundred American youths burned their draft cards in Central Park today in a protest against the war in Vietnam”
Black activists and students across the United States have utilized their radical groups to protest the Vietnam War
During the 1960s and 1970s, the Vietnam War was a major source of division in American society. The U.S. government’s escalating involvement in Vietnam was widely debated, and many political movements including the Black Power and civil rights movements began to protest the war. The FBI’s COINTELPRO was intended to monitor and disrupt movements that were protesting against the U.S. government. Black civil rights leaders and activists, especially Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X, were outspoken against the war and were targeted under COINTELPRO to control any form of activism against the Vietnam War.
“A time comes when silence is betrayal. That time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.” – Martin Luther King Jr.
The Women’s Strike for Peace, founded in 1961, was a grassroots movement of women advocating to end the Vietnam War and nuclear disarmament.
The Women’s Strike for Peace (WSP) was a prominent movement that mobilized women across the United States to protest the Vietnam War and advocate for disarmament. The group was formed in response to the U.S. government’s involvement in Vietnam and its nuclear weapons testing. WSP organized large demonstrations, including a notable national strike in 1961, and lobbied government officials to adopt peaceful foreign policies. The organization played a key role in shifting public opinion about the war and contributed to broader peace and civil rights movements, highlighting women’s voices in political activism.
“They all have the same goal: peace, friendship, and happiness. That is why they support each other” – Hanoi
Kinder Morgan’s Trans Mountain Pipeline Expansion project has always been strongly opposed by the people of the Tsleil-Waututh nation. The pipeline crossed through Tsleil-Waututh land and gave rise to fears of an oil spill in territorial waters. The Tsleil Waututh Nation has battled Kinder Morgan and the Canadian government on this issue from 2013 to the present day. This statement outlined their continued commitment to oppose the pipeline and defend their nationally recognized control over their territory.
“Today, we pause to recognize all that we have accomplished and endured along this journey. The risks that we assessed as too great now move from hypothetical to real risks to our community, our culture, and the lands, water, and air that we all rely on. These risks include the fact that oil spills are inevitable, they are impossible to fully clean up, and they will cause catastrophic ecological impacts in səlilwət (Burrard Inlet) and the Salish Sea. We have worked hard over the generations to restore the health of Burrard Inlet. The Trans Mountain pipeline threatens the incredible advancements we have made to bring the ecosystem back.”
The Grunwick strike in London involved predominantly Asian women workers at Grunwick Film Processing Laboratories, led by Jayaben Desai. They went on strike demanding better working conditions, fair pay, and union recognition. The strike garnered widespread support from trade unions and labor activists but faced significant opposition, including police violence. Despite the strong solidarity, the strike ended without achieving its goals. However, it is remembered as a key moment in British labor history, highlighting issues of race, gender, and workers’ rights. Below, there are newspaper articles and original photos from their strike efforts.
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) was a national student activist organization in the US during the 1960s that sought to establish a New Left focused on civil rights, peace, and universal economic security. In 1965, SDS held a mass sit-in at the White House to protest the Vietnam War. This document is a flyer for the event, detailing the various demands, plans, and sponsors of the group.
This letter was released by Students for Justice in Palestine on April 21, 2024. In the document, SJP lays out its mission, sets forth various demands, expresses solidarity with SJPs across the country, and makes clear its determination to reclaim student power on campus to pursue justice and liberation for the people of Palestine.
This is the third edition of the newsletter written by a compilation of individual authors and published by the National Students for Justice in Palestine. The importance of discomfort, the global struggle against imperialism, information on the Palestine Solidarity Movement, accounts of personal experiences, various calls to action, and other important topics were included in the newsletter.
This is the second edition of the newsletter written by a compilation of individual authors and published by the National Students for Justice in Palestine. Smiling as an act of resistance, Palestinian educational institutions, the role of US students and workers in the struggle for Palestine, decolonization as a practice, recommendations for student organizing, and other topics were included in the newsletter.
The indigenous people of Sarayaku were faced with a devastating loss in 1996. The Ecuadorean state gave away a large part of their land to an oil company without consulting the people that were living there. In 2002, this company came into the land and set up massive amounts of explosives, which deeply endangered the community. The Sarayaku people took their case to the International Humans Rights System and substantially won their case. The explosives were removed and the company was censured. This is the link to the official website and below is the proceedings from the case.
The Battle of Blair Mountain is considered to be one of the largest civil uprisings in American history. Thousands of coal miners in Mingo County, West Virginia received terrible wages and horrendous treatment within the mines themselves. About 10,000 miners congregate at the edge of the country and refuse to budge. After threats of federal troops being sent in, four deputies of the local offices are taken prisoner and presumed to be killed. There’s five days of battling between troops and miners and eventually federal troops did come to intervene. This is considered to be a pivotal moment in the labor organizing history of America.
The Homestead Strike of 1892, centered at Carnegie’s steel plant in Pennsylvania, marked a pivotal moment in American labor history. It erupted over wage cuts and benefit reductions, leading to a violent clash between striking workers and Pinkerton detectives hired by the company. After Carnegie and his staff pushed workers out of the plant to replace them with non – union workers, they pushed back and barricaded within it. There was violent conflict between them and the Pinkerton detectives. Despite the workers’ efforts, the strike was ultimately suppressed. Nonetheless, the strike remains a significant event in the struggle for workers’ rights and fair labor practices. It became a rallying point for other labor activists.
During the Industrial Revolution in England, textile workers protested against the rise of machinery that took their jobs and reduced their wages. The factory heads and upper class started to push workers out and as a result, they pushed back. This was done through the sabotage of machinery and violently resisting against the people they felt were oppressing them. The PDF below includes pamphlets from this protest that detail the specific actions.
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